Wednesday, October 07, 2026

Mid-Week Post




You cannot talk about the two-state solution without being laughed out of the room, because Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005,in the promise that the Palestinians could show what they would peacefully do with territory, and instead of getting Singapore we got nearly 20 years of rocket attacks.

And in all those years, when Israelis turned to the international community and said, “Hey, what guarantee do we have that that won’t happen in the West Bank,” they received no answers, absolutely no useful answers about how the disaster of Gaza would not be replicated from an area 20 times bigger overlooking Tel Aviv, surrounding Jerusalem.

And then on October 7, it turned out that the threat wasn’t just rocket attacks; it was full barbarian hordes that were going to come in, abduct little children, commit barbaric sexual atrocities, and then wage a guerrilla war from tunnels underneath people’s feet, and so Israelis have realized that we have much less wiggle room and room for error, and that the stakes are really, really high, and that has led definitely to a rightward shift in terms of security, where people simply will believe the enemy at its word, and are less likely to give it the benefit of the doubt, and believe that we can afford to live in convenient illusions.

That perhaps has been one of the driving lessons of October 7: we cannot afford to inhabit convenient illusions, and sometimes we have to stand up to pressure from our friends when our national interests are at stake. And I think that’s going to shape Israel’s conduct towards the rest of the world. Whoever wins the next election, this is not just a Netanyahu issue.

 

Israel was, once again, attacked and the world nodded approvingly.

It is so sad that it should stand alone, as in 1948 and still.

Whoever wins in the Israeli election later on this month, he must be mindful that Israel will always have enemies when it should have friends.



Your dictator and you: 

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Carney looks after Carney:

Since assuming office a year and a half ago, Prime Minister Mark Carney has repeatedly promised that his government would “build Canadian and buy Canadian.”
But American-controlled multinational corporations have dominated the most lucrative federal contracts under Carney’s leadership, a Toronto Star analysis of government data shows. The share of government contract dollars going to U.S. companies also increased.
Since Carney was sworn in as Prime Minister in March 2025 and up to the end of July 2026 — the latest available data — Ottawa awarded $25 billion in contracts to buy everything from cloud services to military vehicles and office furniture.
The vast majority of it, $22.4 billion, went to Canadian companies, according to federal contract data. United States businesses come at a distant second place, with nearly $1.2 billion.
But that’s not the full picture; procurement data does not distinguish between a homegrown shop and the locally-incorporated subsidiary of an American corporation. This is how well-known U.S. brands such as defence contractor Lockheed Martin or tech giant Amazon, which has received about $49 million in contracts under Carney, sometimes show up in procurement data as Canadian companies.

 


Accountability is for the proles:

Canadian senators are costing taxpayers extensive amounts for overseas trips even though Members of Parliament are regularly representing Canada on the same trips, according to the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

A national overview of province-by-province senator overseas travel, released by the CTF this week, states that international trips undertaken between Jan. 16, 2023 and March 17, 2026 by 65 senators cost Canadian taxpayers $1,850,420. Overall, says the CTF, senators have nearly doubled their international travel spending in the last two years, with the costs climbing 88 per cent from $391,095 in 2023 to $736,165 in 2025, according to its analysis of parliamentary financial disclosures.

The CTF takes the position that senators are unelected and as such should not be travelling anywhere outside of the country on the taxpayers' tab. "Nobody votes for senators so these people represent exactly nobody," said Kris Sims, spokesperson for the Canadian Taxpayers Federation in an email to National Post.

Ontario Senator Salma Ataullahjan's international travel topped the CTF list, totalling $131,706 between January 2023 and March 2026 for 14 overseas trips. The CTF says Ataullahjan travelled to Mozambique, Botswana, Switzerland twice, Uzbekistan, the United States, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Angola, Costa Rica, Ghana, the Dominican Republic, Chile, Bahrain, Senegal and Cabo Verde.

Second in Canada was Newfoundland and Labrador Senator David Wells, whose travel for 17 international trips between 2023 and 2026 totalled $120,389.

Otherwise, looking at the CTF's top Senate travellers on a per province basis across the rest of the country, Nova Scotia Senator Michael MacDonald took 17 trips abroad costing $85,000. B.C. Senator Margo Greenwood went on 11 trips abroad costing more than $80,000, then P.E.I. Senator Percy Downe ($67,000), New Brunswick Senator RenΓ© Cormier ($64,000), Manitoba Senator Gigi Osler ($61,000), former Saskatchewan Senator Brent Cotter ($19,000) and on the lower end, Alberta Senator Scott Tannas ($10,795). (Terrazzo told National Post in an email that the organization is holding off on a report about Quebec senators until after that province's election on Monday.)

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From the most transparent government in the country's history:

Cabinet is quietly concealing more records than ever, Information Commissioner Caroline Maynard has written the Senate. The warning followed a single clause in an omnibus budget bill, C-31: “My office was not consulted.”



It was never about safety:

 





How the Liberals truly feel about veterans and always have:
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Let's not forget:

"Why are we still fighting certain veterans groups in court? Because they're asking for more than we are able to give right now," Trudeau said, answering a question from a veteran, who said he lost his leg to an improvised explosive device in Afghanistan, during a town hall meeting on Thursday evening in Edmonton.

 



Canada the cruel:

We are psychiatrists who work with patients with advanced cancer. It’s no wonder, then, that when Canada legalized medical assistance in dying a decade ago, it quickly became a major topic of conversation in our clinics. We’ve counseled patients about the procedure and assessed whether they were eligible. One of us has administered the drugs to end patients’ lives. We’ve also researched what leads people to choose this option. And together, we created an institutional framework that determined how one of Canada’s largest medical centers would respond to requests for assisted death. ... 
But Canada’s system for assisted death is no longer an option of last resort. Too many people are receiving the procedure without the opportunity for careful reflection about it with a health provider. In some cases, patients are being approved who should not be. Reports have emerged of people seeking assisted death in the context of poverty or loneliness, raising concerns that they may feel they have no other options. In other cases, including for many of our cancer patients, medical assistance in dying may be the right choice eventually, but there’s a risk of rushing into it and shortening what can be a meaningful period in patients’ lives.

Canada’s medical assistance in dying program started in 2016 as an option only for patients with a “reasonably foreseeable” natural death. In 2021, Parliament removed the foreseeable death requirement. Today, Canada’s system is one of the most permissive in the world, allowing assisted dying for almost any form of subjectively intolerable suffering that has a medical basis, or even for medically unexplained physical symptoms. This latitude may contribute to Canada having the fastest growth rate of assisted dying in the world, increasing 16-fold in the eight years since legalization. The procedure now accounts for over 5 percent of all deaths in the country.

How did we get here? Within the Canadian system, medical assistance in dying is the result of a decades-long campaign aimed at enshrining it as a human right — often in the face of strong pressure from groups who opposed the procedure on religious or other grounds. Activists who support the procedure are still understandably wary of anything that could make it harder to get, often warning of unnecessary “gatekeeping” that might interfere with a patient’s autonomy. These activists helped shape the laws that govern the procedure and were instrumental in supporting the first medical networks that emerged to administer it.

Perhaps as a result of this influence, many doctors have come to see their primary role to be making sure their patients meet the legal eligibility requirements to qualify for assisted dying. They must, for instance, be experiencing intolerable suffering and have the mental capacity for informed consent. The problem is that there has become far more focus on whether patients can get an assisted death and not enough on whether they should.

A study published earlier this year looked at how Canadian physicians involved in medical assistance in dying understood their role. One provider described being “just a conduit really for someone’s desires and someone’s choices.” In a separate but similar study, another provider professed to have no role in evaluating suffering — though one of the legal requirements to receive the procedure is that a clinician must confirm that the patient is experiencing intolerable suffering. Determining that degree of suffering “is entirely up to the patient — 100 percent,” that provider said.

While it is critical that patients are able to make decisions about their bodies, doctors have an important role in guiding those decisions. There is an old saying about surgeons that is apt here: Good ones know how to operate, better ones know when to operate and the best know when not to.

Our research shows that the suffering of patients with an advanced disease arises from a complex interplay of physical and psychological distress, family strain and a slow erosion of identity and meaning. In this context, the loss of the will to live is not a fixed state. It fluctuates. It can be treated. And it can be misread.

Here’s how Canada’s medical assistance in dying program works: Two clinicians (either physicians or nurse practitioners) are required to approve an assisted dying request. The vast majority of cases are what is known as Track 1, in which the patient must have an illness that will lead to a “reasonably foreseeable death” (although no time frame is specified in the law). In these cases, they can request the procedure and get it quickly — sometimes even on the same day. Track 2 cases, in which the person does not have a life-threatening illness, are much less common. In these cases, patients are required to wait 90 days before receiving the procedure.

The law, however, does not require clinicians to engage in deeper conversations that explore the complex meaning of the request. We’ve seen cases where people request medical aid in dying in the face of a new cancer diagnosis or flare-up of an existing illness and get the procedure within a matter of days. There is no requirement in either track that patients attempt treatment to relieve their suffering. Nor does the law specify adequate safeguards to protect vulnerable individuals whose decision may be affected by social disadvantage.

We wonder whether inadequate consideration of such factors helps explain why in 2024, 98 percent of people assessed for medical assistance in dying in Canada were found to meet the criterion of “intolerable suffering” and over 92 percent were approved for the procedure.


Why act surprised that the door you opened is now hard to shut?

You brought in and characterised killing sick people as compassion.

Just as with abortion, it is being used as it was meant to: to rid the world of people others find problematic and burdensome.

You can't apply the brakes now.




Some people are special:
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The independent think tank found that inflation-adjusted federal Indigenous spending increased by an average of 4.3 per cent per year from 1969/70 to 2014/15. But from 2014/15 to 2024/25, average annual Indigenous spending increased 17.1 per cent, not including the “substantial” spending on lawsuits and court settlement payouts.

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Ottawa reported in 2024 that more than $216 million had been committed through 146 agreements supporting community-led initiatives to document, locate, and commemorate missing children and burial sites, while Budget 2024 added another $91 million over two years. Federal announcements have explicitly said communities should undertake this work “in their own way and at their own pace.”

Respect for communities does not eliminate government's responsibility to taxpayers. Where public money finances investigations, there should be transparent objectives, timelines, expenditures, methodologies, and findings, while respecting legitimate cultural and legal considerations. Years after the initial claims, asking what has actually been established and what remains unproven should be responsible scrutiny, not hostility.

That makes the government's increasing use of the term “residential schools denialism” particularly concerning. On September 24, Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Rebecca Alty described denialism as including statements that deny or “cast doubt” on residential school history and announced that a $5 million national public education effort would confront misinformation and denialist claims. Canadians should reject genuine historical falsification, but governments must be extremely cautious about defining legitimate questions, evidentiary challenges, or disagreement over historical interpretation as “denialism.”

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Prime Minister Mark Carney yesterday omitted all reference to Indian Residential School graves or genocide in observing National Day for Truth and Reconciliation. It followed the Senate’s defeat of a motion endorsed by the Assembly of First Nations to criminalize “denialism.”

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For years there have been tales of thousands of missing Indian residential school students. The federal government has allowed these baseless rumours to proliferate, despite the fact that not a single name of a missing Indian residential school student has ever been produced by anyone, including the federal government.

Moreover the federal government has allowed these baseless tales of missing Indian residential school students to proliferate while actively concealing from the Canadian public the attendance records in its possession which disprove them.

An example is the attendance records for the Kamloops Indian Residential School. A close examination of the quarterly returns for the Kamloops Indian Residential School from 1943-1952, which are available online, establishes that every student is accounted for during that decade.

The government also has quarterly returns and other attendance records for the remaining years of the existence of the Kamloops Indian Residential School, 1952-1977, which it has not released to the public. Their existence is attested to by the federal government itself in the school narrative it prepared for use in the Independent Assessment Process (see attachment).

Quarterly returns were the basis on which the Department of Indian Affairs calculated the per capita grant which covered the operating costs of the school. School officials ensured they were meticulously accurate in order to obtain as large a grant as possible based on current student enrolment, and the Department of Indian Affairs likewise demanded that they be meticulously accurate to avoid the federal government overpaying the school.

It is thus of the greatest significance that on pp. 7-8 of the attached school narrative, the federal government provides a table of total attendance figures for the years of the Kamloops Indian Residential School’s existence. The figures given by the federal government for the years from 1952-1977 are not estimates. They are very precise numbers - 402, 424, 381, 390, for example — indicating that they are derived from attendance records in the federal government’s possession, and in fact the federal government’s heading on the table reads ‘most are September figures for each year and based on Quarterly Returns where possible‘.

It is thus clear that if released by the federal government, the quarterly returns underlying the figures in this table would establish conclusively that not a single student from the Kamloops Indian Residential School went missing between the years 1952-1977, yet the federal government refuses to release these attendance records so that the Canadian public can learn the truth. Instead, the federal government allows the damaging and completely unfounded myth of thousands of missing Indian residential school students to proliferate, and even to be promulgated beyond Canada’s borders (as, for example, in the recent hearings of the Rome-based Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal).



A series of internal Department of National Defence documents suggest Canadian troops were ill-prepared and occasionally ill-equipped for the harsh conditions they faced last winter during a major training exercise with American forces in Alaska.

The evaluation reports, obtained by CBC News, show the military has a lot to learn and a long way to go to rebuild its capability to defend the Arctic.

The training involved over 400 members of the 3rd Battalion Royal Canadian Regiment (3RCR) which was folded into a much larger U.S. Army brigade during Exercise Global Response in February at the Joint Pacific Multinational Readiness Center, north of Fairbanks, Alaska.

The Carney government has committed to an almost year-round presence in the Far North and the reports indicate, among other things, that troops will need to learn to rely less on technology and more on basic skills in order to fight and survive, according to defence experts.

Separate Canadian and American evaluations were prepared and both show a litany of concerns that raise questions about how prepared troops and their equipment are to fight in harsh conditions, where the temperatures plunge below –30 C.

"Throughout their stay in the waiting area the Coy [Company] consistently demonstrated a lack of preparations needed to live in Arctic conditions," said an undated Canadian evaluation, which assessed individual companies within the battalion.

The report was critical of a recent initiative which allowed the regiment to purchase off-the-shelf civilian equipment to augment military cold-weather gear — something that created problems.

"This was evident when observing soldiers attempting to remedy issues with a Coleman stove and lanterns or watching them attempt to set up a 10-man tent," said the evaluation, obtained by CBC News. It said that among some Canadian units there was a "lack of emphasis on basic winter soldiering skills."

In an interview, Lt.-Col. Aaron Corey, the commander of 3RCR, disagreed and said his troops trained for winter conditions for a year before the Alaska training deployment.

"Every soldier to go up on that exercise had to be a cold weather operator qualified," Corey said.

"All of our leaders from the sections and up, we received cold weather leader training and then we had Arctic operations advisers that were sprinkled into the battalion as well."

He added the battalion "put a lot of effort into preparations for this exercise in the year preceding it and to get back to a level of winter warfare — or Arctic warfare — that we haven't seen in a few years."


That simply can't be true.

The upper echelons of the Canadian Armed Forces spent more time on political matters and removing mentions of God at Remembrance Day events than actual military preparation.





Ah, non!:


A good thing that Carney doesn't want us to join this place, right?




Cabinet proposes to launch a Canadian version of the European Union’s Solidarity Corps, a youth volunteer program. It follows earlier federal programs promoting youth volunteerism that cost taxpayers millions: ‘In Norway, the European Solidarity Corps offers opportunities for young people. The government is looking into the possibility of developing its own civic corps in Canada.’




We don't have to trade with China.

The idea that we and our allies simply need to press our case with China based on appeals to rules or laws misunderstands everything about the Xi Jinping era. They are fully aware of how we do things over here. They just reject it wholesale. Document 9 explicitly mocks the very notion of “rule of law”.

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Conservative MP Adam Chambers says layoffs at a Hamilton steel plant should raise questions about Canada forging closer economic ties with China, citing concerns about Chinese steel dumping in the Canadian market.
Stelco Holdings Inc. announced on Sept. 28 that it would indefinitely idle finishing operations at its steel plant in Hamilton, Ont., due to “market uncertainty,” a move that could affect as many as 500 employees.
Stelco said the decision was “necessary” to help “ensure the survival” of the company amid what it described as a challenging and unsustainable market caused by ongoing trade disruptions affecting the Canadian steel industry. The company also cited U.S. tariffs and declining demand for its products.
Chambers said on social media that the “primary focus” should be on the workers affected, which he called “awful and heart-wrenching.” He also said the layoffs “should raise further questions about getting closer to China,” arguing that cheap Chinese steel has been dumped in Canada and harmed the domestic industry.
China is the world’s largest steel producer, producing 960.8 million metric tonnes of crude steel in 2025, compared with Canada’s 11.5 million tonnes. The OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) has reported that Chinese steel producers receive substantially more government subsidies than producers elsewhere, contributing to excess capacity and increased exports.
In 2024, the median Chinese steel firm received subsidies equivalent to 15 times the share of assets received by the median steel producer elsewhere, according to the OECD. Chinese steelmakers exported a record 131 million tonnes in 2025.



Tuesday, October 06, 2026

It's Just An Economy

This is winning, right?:

Mark Carney spent the weekend telling Canadians to check their bank accounts. He said more than 12 million people would get the next Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit payment. Earlier, he called it a boost of up to $1,890 this year to help families with essentials while the country waits for the payoffs of “building big.”

He may as well be celebrating increased food bank use while his government continues to bungle the management of Canada’s economy.

Sit with that number. Canada has about 41 million people. Twelve million is not a fringe, and it is not “some households having a hard month.” It is approaching three-in-ten Canadians receiving a government deposit whose purpose is to help them buy groceries and cover basic bills. Ottawa’s promotion of this benefit constitutes a formal acknowledgement.

A payment that exists so people can afford food is not growth. It is a transfer. The money is taxed out of paycheques, borrowed against future paycheques, or both, then sent back to a list of recipients the same government drew up. Calling it a benefit does not change the direction. A larger share of private income is being collected and handed back, with Ottawa deciding who qualifies and how much is enough to get through the till at the grocery store. This trend can only lead somewhere bad.

If the economy were producing rising real incomes, you would not need an essentials payment covering a population more than twice the size of Alberta. The cheque is the evidence that prices for food, housing, and energy have outrun take-home pay for a wide band of households and that the response has been to widen the transfer instead of addressing the cause. Government gets bigger. The administrative state gets another program to run, another eligibility rule, and another deposit to announce. Disposable income, after tax and after the cost of necessities, does not get bigger. The payment is then held up as proof that someone is helping. They reach into your wallet, take out some cash, and then hand a small portion of it back to you and expect gratitude.

(Sidebar: or being bribed with your money.) 

This is how a welfare state actually expands. Not with one vote to replace work with benefits, but with a run of “temporary” top-ups that become recurring deposits. Each one is justified by the cost of living the last round of policy helped produce. Housing stays scarce. Energy and food stay expensive. Taxes and deficits stay high enough that wages never quite pull ahead of the bills. Then a new payment lands and politicians pat themselves on the back. No future politician will find the courage to cut these transfers, which will quickly become entitlements in the eyes of recipients.

The political incentive only runs one way. A deposit in millions of accounts can be photographed and cheered as a success. The government’s inaction on developing the economy remains in the background. Carney’s own wording gives it away. The big projects will take time, so here is money now. The projects don’t need more time. They need leadership with the political courage to get things done. Increasing welfare dependency doesn’t lead to a stronger economy. It compounds the problem. Dependence gets rebranded as a boost, and the number of people who need the boost becomes the achievement.

The figure worth arguing about is not how many Canadians received the payment. It is how many needed a government cheque to cover groceries in the first place. Celebrating the deposit treats the symptom as the solution. The country is not being lifted. It is being managed, one essentials payment at a time, while the share of Canadians who cannot cover the basics without Ottawa keeps growing.

Canada is on a cycle spiralling to the bottom. As the share of Canadians either employed by the government or dependent on government transfers grows, the ability of the productive to keep up is reduced. Professionals and enterprising individuals either stop producing or leave the country for greener pastures. It’s an unsustainable trend, but as long as people applaud the smiling face of the prime minister while he gifts them a portion of their own money, the trend won’t be changing. It’s too politically valuable for the establishment politicians and legacy media outlets who depend on them to shake the status quo. Better to continually play Santa Claus on the credit cards of the next generation than to make hard decisions today.

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Prime Minister Mark Carney has said that lower immigration under his government helps to explain why Canada’s economy has declined for the last two quarters, pushing it into recession territory.

While Carney has not said the word “recession” himself when asked about the decline — and while economists citing broader economic indicators argue Canada is not in a true recession — critics have said that years of high immigration intake served to conceal the extent of Canada’s economic troubles.

Those critics include Conservative immigration critic Michelle Rempel Garner, who posted on social media Tuesday that “mass rapid intake of low-skilled temporary foreign labour both masked and juiced structural economic issues.”

“It’s a basic fact, it’s one of several factors, but the underlying point is we’re putting in place the foundations a stronger, more resilient, more independent Canadian economy. You can do the math, you should do the math, in terms of declining population growth as an impact,” Carney said in response to that criticism.

Nathan Janzen is a Royal Bank of Canada economist who has done the math. He said high population growth, driven by immigration, contributed to a higher gross domestic product despite household economic challenges.

 

Now, about that:

Canada’s real gross domestic product remained flat in July following three months of expansion, an early sign that economic growth may have slowed in the third quarter following a second-quarter rebound.

Gains in construction, 1.3 per cent, and utilities, 1.7 per cent, were offset by decreases in the manufacturing and mining sectors in July, as well as quarrying and oil and gas extraction — which contracted by 0.9 per cent and 0.5 per cent month over month, respectively. Contractions in retail and wholesale trade also offset some increases in services-producing industries, weighing on economic growth.

Flash estimates suggest the economy expanded by 0.2 per cent in August, led by increases in mining and quarrying as well as retail trade that were partially offset by decreases in oil and gas extraction.

“The numbers are a mixed bag, and there’s a lot of things happening under the hood when you look at the monthly GDP numbers. It took a break in July, but it was in line with what’s going on,” said LJ Valencia, an economist with Desjardins.

“The weakness was pretty broadbased, but it was offset by some of the strength that we’re seeing.”

Economists largely expect growth to slow in the third quarter of 2026 due to economic uncertainty from escalating trade tensions with the United States, after the economy rebounded and grew by 3.3 per cent on an annualized basis in the second quarter.

Deloitte Canada’s latest economic outlook suggests the recent levies are expected to sharply weaken growth in the final quarter of 2026 and into early 2027. Forecast tables predict the Canadian economy will expand by 0.9 per cent on an annualized basis in 2026 and by 1.6 per cent in 2027.

Household and business confidence will also remain subdued due to the persistent threat of tariffs and additional trade measures, the report said.

“The past monetary tightening cycle and successive rounds of trade tensions have taken a toll on the Canadian economy. The most prominent weak spot in our economy continues to be business non-residential investment,” wrote Dawn Desjardins, Deloitte Canada’s chief economist.

 

 So there's that.