Your Idiot Government and You

There is just so much stupidity:

A former deputy industry minister yesterday denied any responsibility for rampant conflicts at the disgraced federal agency Sustainable Development Technology Canada. Retiree John Knubley, testifying by videoconference at the Commons public accounts committee, appeared agitated as MPs accused him of a coverup: “I am not a lawyer.”

It's just money:

Taxpayers should expect a loss in any sale of the Trans Mountain Pipeline despite cabinet assurances, Budget Officer Yves Giroux said yesterday. Giroux recommended MPs audit billions’ worth of cost overruns: “That is a very interesting question.”

The Liberals have gutted our military, demeaned and diminished Canadian citizenship and identity and have allowed the country to be weak in the face of a more dangerous world:

Canadians want this, too. Public attitudes toward national defence are shifting as more and more Canadians recognize the growing need for military preparedness and global assertiveness. Over the past decade, those prioritizing military readiness rose from 12 per cent to 29 per cent, and 53 per cent of Canadians now back increasing defence spending to NATO’s 2 per cent of GDP target. With economic challenges ahead, achieving this target will require aligning defence with prosperity goals.

The numbers tell an important story. Canadians are not complacent to the shifting global landscape and the rising threats from authoritarian states. They see what is happening worldwide and support the idea that Canada must keep its military and defence capabilities strong. Yet in practice, as the only country among the 31-member alliance that has not met either of NATO’s investment pledges, Canada remains an outlier in meeting its defence commitments. This underinvestment paints Canada as a “free rider” and helps explain its exclusion from military alliances like AUKUS.

Despite repeated warnings from allies, successive Canadian governments have failed to take concrete steps to build necessary defence capabilities. Canada’s 2024 Defence Policy Update remains only vaguely committal and devoid of a clear plan of action. A recent report by the Parliamentary Budget Officer asserts that to meet NATO’s 2-per-cent target, defence spending would need to almost double from current levels.

General Wayne Eyre, the former chief of defence staff, warned last year that the world is “more chaotic and dangerous than at any time since the end of the Cold War” and argued that rising threats from authoritarian states could bring the world to “peak threat” by the end of this decade. His successor, General Jennie Carignan, has echoed this sentiment, emphasizing this summer that Canada and its allies may have as little as five years to prepare for emerging threats, including advanced missile technology from countries like China and Russia.

(Sidebar: perhaps even closer.)

Threats to Canada’s defence go beyond the traditional battlefield. In the era of hybrid warfare, cyberattacks and psychological operations are as dangerous as military force. Canadians recognize these risks; 84 per cent are worried about the impact of disinformation. Canada’s diverse but fragmented society, which has been exploited by foreign actors to create division and increase polarization makes us more vulnerable. Foreign interference is intensifying, highlighted by recent high-profile cases in both the Canada and the United States.

Canada must adopt a multifaceted approach to these challenges. Beyond boosting military spending, it needs to invest in strategic communications, community resilience and countering information warfare. Many European defence ministries retain the lead on strategic communications to support more cohesive responses to growing threats. Building cohesion around this function in Canada could involve setting up dedicated centres to analyze information environments and foreign networks so as to counter foreign influence and guide policy. Supporting AI-based start-ups and community programs that resist disinformation is essential for protecting Canada’s democracy and strengthening its economic infrastructure.

The goal should not simply be to match our allies in terms of defence spending, but to lead by example in building a resilient society that is capable of withstanding both conventional and unconventional threats. Beyond tanks and missiles, the required capability should encompass everything from cybersecurity infrastructure to public awareness campaigns. Such efforts would help strengthen a renewed Canadian identity and social fabric, which has been eroding quickly over recent years.

 

(Sidebar: and what is that fabric, exactly? We are killing off the sick to save someone on the Sunshine List from hunting for a real job.)

It is time for Canada to step up. With the world growing more dangerous, Canadians are beginning to understand the need for a strong military – not as a tool of aggression, but as a means of safeguarding our values and place in the world.

From the most "transparent" government in the country's history and from a government who applauded a Ukrainian Nazi.

There is no decency here but cover-ups:

Liberal and Bloc Québécois MPs have blocked a motion seeking the disclosure of a secret list of Nazi collaborators who were admitted to Canada after 1945.

Blacklock's Reporter says by a 6-5 vote, members of the Commons heritage committee rejected the proposal to compel cabinet to release the names by January 27, 2025.

Liberal MP Brenda Shanahan (Chateauguay-Lacolle, Que.) expressed discomfort with the motion. “I am not comfortable proceeding further with this,” she said during the committee meeting.

The motion, introduced by New Democrat MP Niki Ashton (Churchill-Keewatinook Aski, Man.), aimed to have Library and Archives Canada publish the names of individuals identified in the 1985 Deschênes Commission on War Crimes.

The commission had revealed that Nazi collaborators were admitted to Canada after the Second World War with minimal scrutiny.

Bloc Québécois MP Martin Champoux (Drummond, Que.) opposed the motion, citing concerns about the impact on the families of those named, even though most individuals on the list are likely deceased.

“This is an extremely delicate situation,” said Champoux. “Were these people Nazis? Not necessarily. Investigation showed the majority of these people were not suspected of anything and were cleared right away.”

“These are people who were investigated,” he added. “It was thought there was no need to go further.”

The Ukrainian Canadian Congress also opposed releasing the names, with its president, Alexandra Chyczij, stating in a submission to the Commons public safety committee that disclosure would violate the privacy of descendants.

Despite opposition, Ashton defended the motion, emphasizing the need for historical transparency. “Canadians deserve to know how, according to the Deschênes Commission, Nazis were welcomed into this country,” she said.

“Many Jewish, Polish, and Ukrainian organizations have been clear. The names need to be released,” Ashton added.

The motion received support only from Conservative MPs.